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A duty to vote may be many things. It may be no more than an obligation to cast one's ballot as self-interestedly or as altruistically as one pleases. It may a requirement to vote for the political party most likely to yield the highest social welfare. It may be a requirement to choose between competing parties in the interest of one's social class or with recognition of the needs of the poor. It may include a requirement to inform oneself about the issues in an election. This paper begins with a critique of the argument denying any duty to vote because, as with participants in the market, there is no conflict between selfinterest and public interest in the choice whether to vote or abstain. The core of the paper is a discussion of several interpretations of the duty to vote, and there is a brief review of pros and cons of compulsory voting.

The genre of public service advertisements that appear with two- and four-year cyclical regularity is familiar. Cameras pan across scenes of marines hoisting the flag on Iwo Jima, a bald eagle soaring in splendid flight, rows of grave markers at Arlington. The somber-voiced announcer remonstrates: "They did their part; now you do yours." Once again it is the season to fulfill one's civic duty, to vote.

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Is voting a duty of democratic citizenship? This article advances a new argument for the existence of a duty to vote. It argues that every normative account of electoral representation requires universal turnout to function in line with its own internal normative logic. This generates a special obligation for citizens to vote in electoral representative contexts as a function of the role morality of democratic citizenship. Because voting uniquely authorizes office holding in representative democracies, and because universal turnout contributes powerfully to representation being fair, to be a good citizen of such democracies requires one to vote. Whereas previous arguments for a duty to vote have invoked basic moral principles like fairness or a Samaritan duty of rescue, this account is based on citizens occupying a vital functional role within electoral representative institutions. This institutional duty solves the "specificity problem" of justifying a duty to vote better than competing accounts and also immunizes the duty to objections that there is no duty to vote when there are only bad choices and that there is a no duty to vote but rather duty to vote well. By emphasizing the tight connection between institutions and individual conduct, the role morality approach used here supplies a less abstract and more realistic framework than much previous research on the ethics of democratic citizenship and brings the debate closer to constitutive features of democratic politics.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh political efficacy dan social identity terhadap civic duty to vote. Sampel penelitian ini berjumlah 360 partisipan. Instrumen yang digunakan untuk pengukuran Civic Duty To Vote pada penelitian ini didasarkan oleh pengukuran dikembangkan oleh Blais dan Galais (2016). Sedangkan untuk pengukuran Political Efficacy berdasarkan dari Craig, Niemi, & Silver (1990) melalui dua dimensi yaitu dimensi internal dan eksternal. Terakhir, untuk pengukuran social identity menggunakan pengukuran Cameron (2004) dengan nama Three Dimensional Strength of Group Identification Scale. Analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini dengan teknik analisis regresi berganda menggunakan software SPSS 20.00. Kesimpulan penelitian ini bahwa ada pengaruh yang signifikan political efficacy dan social identity terhadap Civic Duty To Vote.